Even with all that is happening in the world, more attention might have been paid to Northern Ireland on Monday as Sinn Féin published plans for Stormont reform.The first of its five proposals would abolish mandatory powersharing between the largest parties of unionism and nationalism, ensuring no single party could collapse devolution. This is a reversal of Sinn Féin’s long-standing opposition to reform and the first time a change on this scale has been advocated by nationalism’s largest party. Such a fundamental alteration to the Belfast Agreement would merit a page in the history books, yet it did not make every front page in Belfast.Indifference is understandable when nobody believes the proposals will be implemented. Unionist co-operation would be required and the DUP has reversed its long-standing support for reform, after Sinn Féin replaced it as Stormont’s largest party in 2022. Sinn Féin has now matched that cynicism with its own, safe in the knowledge the DUP will reject its proposals.The other four proposals cover tax devolution, the minister of justice, the Assembly’s designation system and the speaker’s office. After collapsing the executive in 2022 by withdrawing its first minister, the DUP separately collapsed the Assembly by refusing to vote for a speaker.There may be no cross-community consensus for reform but it remains significant that nationalism has followed unionism in calling for it, even if both sides cannot call for it at the same time. Both have blatantly conceded they have no objection in principle, only in selfish practice. Everyone can see this – it is laughably obvious.Collapsing devolution has proved unpopular with the public, DUP and Sinn Féin voters included, regardless of which party has walked out. It is a risk for the DUP to stand isolated as the “pro-collapse” party, especially as the Executive enters another period of fragility. Relationships have deteriorated rapidly in recent weeks, with the DUP and Sinn Féin openly sabotaging each other’s legislation.The DUP has shamelessly objected to reform since 2022 by complaining that powersharing protections were seen as essential until unionists might have needed them. While there is truth in this, Sinn Féin’s first proposal would not remove such protection. It would instead create opt-out powersharing, where the largest parties of unionism and nationalism would remain entitled to the top two spots in the executive, but other parties could take their place if one or the other decided not to join.The Alliance Party, which has always opposed mandatory coalition, published a similar proposal last month. This is far more modest than the DUP’s aim before 2022, when it ultimately sought simple majority rule, although it acknowledged this change would require cross-community consent. The party once believed this was a selling point to voters. Its 2012 Assembly manifesto contained a chapter entitled “DUP – the Champions of Reform”.If reform can no longer be sold to unionists as a positive development for everyone, whatever community is seen to be in the ascendant, perhaps it could be sold on the basis that unionism’s decline has been overstated. The DUP may have ceased to be the largest party but unionism remains Stormont’s largest bloc by both votes and seats. The DUP is only one seat behind Sinn Féin, although much further behind on votes.[ Sinn Féin’s natural coalition partner is Fianna FáilOpens in new window ]Opposing reform reveals a loser’s mentality in the DUP, unwarranted by even its own plight. Other unionists could be calling this out. At the very least, supporters of reform could draw the DUP into the fresh debate Sinn Féin has made possible.Stormont has a standing committee to drive forward reform, ironically created at the DUP’s behest. Sinn Féin has noted the committee is the proper forum to discuss its proposals, which it adds are “not exclusive or comprehensive”. Nor are they beyond criticism. Opt-out powersharing is a clever concept undermined by the weakness of the parties that might have to step in.Alliance has specified that the largest unionist or nationalist party should be replaced by the next largest unionist or nationalist party. If Sinn Féin opted out, for example, nationalism would have to be represented by the SDLP, a party less than a third Sinn Féin’s size.Would that be sufficient representation? Would the SDLP be willing to serve as the mudguard in a unionist-dominated executive, with Sinn Féin attacking it from the sidelines? If it refused, would devolution still collapse? Sinn Féin has not specified who should replace an opting-out party. Would any party of the same designation suffice? Would any executive with an Assembly majority suffice? Sinn Féin cannot mean to imply simple majority rule, even as a fallback position.[ Compulsory Irish in a united Ireland? Unionists won’t like thatOpens in new window ]The most concerning potential flaw in opt-out powersharing is that it might incentivise each large party to antagonise the other into quitting.People might look at the Executive today and wonder if they would notice the difference.